THE WARS OF THE JEWS
OR
THE HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
Book IV: Chapter 3
CONCERNING JOHN OF GISCHALA.
CONCERNING THE ZEALOTS AND THE HIGH PRIEST ANANUS; AS
ALSO HOW THE JEWS RAISE SEDITIONS ONE AGAINST ANOTHER
[IN JERUSALEM].
1. NOW upon John's entry into Jerusalem, the whole
body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand
of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that
were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries
had happened abroad, when their breath was so short,
and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the
great distress they were in; yet did they talk big
under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that
they had not fled away from the Romans, but came
thither in order to fight them with less hazard; for
that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing
for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards
about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they
ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and
reserve it for their metropolis. But when they related
to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent
departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of
the people understood it to be no better than a
flight; and especially when the people were told of
those that were made captives, they were in great
confusion, and guessed those things to be plain
indications that they should be taken also. But for
John, he was very little concerned for those whom he
had left behind him, but went about among all the
people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes
he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the
Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own
power. He also jested upon the ignorance of the
unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should
take to themselves wings, could never fly over the
wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties
in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken
their engines of war against their walls.
2. These harangues of John's corrupted a great part
of the young men, and puffed them up for the war; but
as to the more prudent part, and those in years, there
was not a man of them but foresaw what was coming, and
made lamentation on that account, as if the city was
already undone; and in this confusion were the people.
But then it must be observed, that the multitude that
came out of the country were at discord before the
Jerusalem sedition began; for Titus went from Gischala
to Cesates, and Vespasian from Cesarea to Jamnia and
Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put
garrisons into them, he came back with a great number
of the people, who were come over to him, upon his
giving them his right hand for their preservation.
There were besides disorders and civil wars in every
city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans
turned their hands one against another. There was also
a bitter contest between those that were fond of war,
and those that were desirous for peace. At the first
this quarrelsome temper caught hold of private
families, who could not agree among themselves; after
which those people that were the dearest to one
another brake through all restraints with regard to
each other, and every one associated with those of his
own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition
one to another; so that seditions arose every where,
while those that were for innovations, and were
desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too
hard for the aged and prudent men. And, in the first
place, all the people of every place betook themselves
to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in
order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that
for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation
did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to
be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans
than by themselves.
3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the
cities, partly out of their uneasiness to take such
trouble upon them, and partly out of the hatred they
bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing
towards relieving the miserable, till the captains of
these troops of robbers, being satiated with rapines
in the country, got all together from all parts, and
became a band of wickedness, and all together crept
into Jerusalem, which was now become a city without a
governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received
without distinction all that belonged to their nation;
and these they then received, because all men supposed
that those who came so fast into the city came out of
kindness, and for their assistance, although these
very men, besides the seditions they raised, were
otherwise the direct cause of the city's destruction
also; for as they were an unprofitable and a useless
multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand
which might otherwise have been sufficient for the
fighting men. Moreover, besides the bringing on of the
war, they were the occasions of sedition and famine
therein.
4. There were besides these other robbers that came
out of the country, and came into the city, and
joining to them those that were worse than themselves,
omitted no kind of barbarity; for they did not measure
their courage by their rapines and plunderings only,
but preceded as far as murdering men; and this not in
the night time or privately, or with regard to
ordinary men, but did it openly in the day time, and
began with the most eminent persons in the city; for
the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one of
the royal lineage, and the most potent man in the
whole city, insomuch that the public treasures were
committed to his care; him they took and confined; as
they did in the next place to Levias, a person of
great note, with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both which
were of royal lineage also. And besides these, they
did the same to the principal men of the country. This
caused a terrible consternation among the people, and
everyone contented himself with taking care of his own
safety, as they would do if the city had been taken in
war.
5. But these were not satisfied with the bonds into
which they had put the men forementioned; nor did they
think it safe for them to keep them thus in custody
long, since they were men very powerful, and had
numerous families of their own that were able to
avenge them. Nay, they thought the very people would
perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings, as to
rise in a body against them; it was therefore resolved
to have them slain accordingly, they sent one John,
who was the most bloody-minded of them all, to do that
execution: this man was also called "the son of
Dorcas," in the
language of our country. Ten more men went along with
him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and so
they cut the throats of those that were in custody
there. The grand lying pretence these men made for so
flagrant an enormity was this, that these men had had
conferences with the Romans for a surrender of
Jerusalem to them; and so they said they had slain
only such as were traitors to their common liberty.
Upon the whole, they grew the more insolent upon this
bold prank of theirs, as though they had been the
benefactors and saviors of the city.
6. Now the people were come to that degree of
meanness and fear, and these robbers to that degree of
madness, that these last took upon them to appoint
high priests. So
when they had disannulled the succession, according to
those families out of which the high priests used to
be made, they ordained certain unknown and ignoble
persons for that office, that they might have their
assistance in their wicked undertakings; for such as
obtained this highest of all honors, without any
desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed
it on them. They also set the principal men at
variance one with another, by several sorts of
contrivances and tricks, and gained the opportunity of
doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of
those who might have obstructed their measures; till
at length, when they were satiated with the unjust
actions they had done towards men, they transferred
their contumelious behavior to God himself, and came
into the sanctuary with polluted feet.
7. And now the multitude were going to rise against
them already; for Ananus, the ancientest of the high
priests, persuaded them to it. He was a very prudent
man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but
have escaped the hands of those that plotted against
him. These men made the temple of God a strong hold
for them, and a place whither they might resort, in
order to avoid the troubles they feared from the
people; the sanctuary was now become a refuge, and a
shop of tyranny. They also mixed jesting among the
miseries they introduced, which was more intolerable
than what they did; for in order to try what surprise
the people would be under, and how far their own power
extended, they undertook to dispose of the high
priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have
said already, it was to descend by succession in a
family. The pretense they made for this strange
attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that
of old it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was
no better than a dissolution of an undeniable law, and
a cunning contrivance to seize upon the government,
derived from those that presumed to appoint
governors
as they themselves pleased.
8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pontifical
tribes, which is called Eniachim, and cast lots
which of it should be the high priest. By fortune the
lot so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the
plainest manner, for it fell upon one whose name was
Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He
was a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood,
but that did not well know what the high priesthood
was, such a mere rustic was he ! yet did they hail
this man, without his own consent, out of the country,
as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and
adorned him with a counterfeit thee; they also put
upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion
instructed him what he was to do. This horrid piece of
wickedness was sport and pastime with them, but
occasioned the other priests, who at a distance saw
their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely
lament the dissolution of such a sacred dignity.
9. And now the people could no longer bear the
insolence of this procedure, but did all together run
zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny; and
indeed they were Gorion the son of Josephus, and
Symeon the son of Gamaliel, who encouraged
them, by going up and down when they were assembled
together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to
bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these
pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the
temple of these bloody polluters of it. The best
esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of
Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus when they were
at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people
for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots;
for that was the name they went by, as if they were
zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather
zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them
beyond the example of others.
10. And now, when the multitude were gotten
together to an assembly, and every one was in
indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary,
at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun
their attacks upon them, (the reason of which was
this, that they imagined it to be a difficult thing to
suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was,)
Ananus stood in the midst of them, and casting his
eyes frequently at the temple, and having a flood of
tears in his eyes, he said, "Certainly it had been
good for me to die before I had seen the house of God
full of so many abominations, or these sacred places,
that ought not to be trodden upon at random, filled
with the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet do
I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high
priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name
[of high priest], still live, and am but too fond of
living, and cannot endure to undergo a death which
would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the
only person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I
would give up my life, and that alone for God's sake;
for to what purpose is it to live among a people
insensible of their calamities, and where there is no
notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that
are upon them? for when you are seized upon, you bear
it! and when you are beaten, you are silent! and when
the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send
out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are
under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it
not you, and your sufferance of them, that have
nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those
that first of all got together, for they were then but
a few, and by your silence made them grow to be many;
and by conniving at them when they took arms, in
effect armed them against yourselves? You ought to
have then prevented their first attempts, when they
fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting
that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches
to plunder men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said
a word, which was the occasion why they carried off
the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn
through the midst of the city, nobody came to their
assistance. They then proceeded to put those whom you
have betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not
say how many and of what characters those men were
whom they thus served; but certainly they were such as
were accused by none, and condemned by none; and since
nobody succored them when they were put into bonds,
the consequence was, that you saw the same persons
slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best
of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been
still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one
word, or moved his right hand for their preservation.
Will you bear, therefore, will you bear to see your
sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for
these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to
higher degrees of insolence? Will not you pluck them
down from their exaltation? for even by this time they
had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been
able to overthrow any thing greater than the
sanctuary. They have seized upon the strongest place
of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if you
please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now,
while you have tyranny in so great a degree walled in,
and see your enemies over your heads, to what purpose
is it to take counsel? and what have you to support
your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans,
that they may protect our holy places: are our matters
then brought to that pass? and are we come to that
degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are
expected to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not
you rise up and turn upon those that strike you? which
you may observe in wild beasts themselves, that they
will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will
you not call to mind, every one of you, the calamities
you yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes
what afflictions you yourselves have undergone? and
will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge? Is
therefore that most honorable and most natural of our
passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty?
Truly we are in love with slavery, and in love with
those that lord it over us, as if we had received that
principle of subjection from our ancestors; yet did
they undergo many and great wars for the sake of
liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of
the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that still they did
what they thought fit, notwithstanding their commands
to the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a
war with the Romans? (I meddle not with determining
whether it be an advantageous and profitable war or
not.) What pretense is there for it? Is it not that we
may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the
lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and
yet bear tyrants of our own country? Although I must
say that submission to foreigners may be borne,
because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while
submission to wicked people of our own nation is too
unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent.
However, since I have had occasion to mention the
Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am
speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me
considerably; it is this, that though we should be
taken by them, (God forbid the event should be so!)
yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be
borne than what these men have already brought upon
us. How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we
see the Roman donations in our temple, while we withal
see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and
plundering our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering
our men, from which enormities those Romans themselves
would have abstained? to see those Romans never going
beyond the bounds allotted to profane persons, nor
venturing to break in upon any of our sacred customs;
nay, having a horror on their minds when they view at
a distance those sacred walls; while some that have
been born in this very country, and brought up in our
customs, and called Jews, do walk about in the midst
of the holy places, at the very time when their hands
are still warm with the slaughter of their own
countrymen. Besides, can any one be afraid of a war
abroad, and that with such as will have comparatively
much greater moderation than our own people have? For
truly, if we may suit our words to the things they
represent, it is probable one may hereafter find the
Romans to be the supporters of our laws, and those
within ourselves the subverters of them. And now I am
persuaded that every one of you here comes satisfied
before I speak that these overthrowers of our
liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody can
so much as devise a punishment that they have not
deserved by what they have done, and that you are all
provoked against them by those their wicked actions,
whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps many
of you are aftrighted at the multitude of those
zealots, and at their audaciousness, as well as at the
advantage they have over us in their being higher in
place than we are; for these circumstances, as they
have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they
become still greater by being still longer neglected;
for their multitude is every day augmented, by every
ill man's running away to those that are like to
themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore
inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to
their designs. And for their higher place, they will
make use of it for engines also, if we give them time
to do so; but be assured of this, that if we go up to
fight them, they will be made tamer by their own
consciences, and what advantages they have in the
height of their situation they will lose by the
opposition of their reason; perhaps also God himself,
who hath been affronted by them, will make what they
throw at us return against themselves, and these
impious wretches will be killed by their own darts:
let us but make our appearance before them, and they
will come to nothing. However, it is a right thing, if
there should be any danger in the attempt, to die
before these holy gates, and to spend our very lives,
if not for the sake of our children and wives, yet for
God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary. I will
assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor
shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your
support; nor shall you see that I will be sparing of
my body neither."
11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the
multitude to go against the zealots, although he knew
how difficult it would be to disperse them, because of
their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of
their souls; but chiefly because of their
consciousness of what they had done, since they would
not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the
last for those their enormities. However, Ananus
resolved to undergo whatever sufferings might come
upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were
in such great confusion. So the multitude cried out to
him, to lead them on against those whom he had
described in his exhortation to them, and every one of
them was most readily disposed to run any hazard
whatsoever on that account.
12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and
putting those that were proper for his purpose in
array for fighting, the zealots got information of his
undertaking, (for there were some who went to them,
and told them all that the people were doing,) and
were irritated at it, and leaping out of the temple in
crowds, and by parties, spared none whom they met
with. Upon this Ananus got the populace together on
the sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the
zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because they
had not been regularly put into array for fighting;
but the alacrity that every body showed supplied all
their defects on both sides, the citizens taking up so
great a passion as was stronger than arms, and
deriving a degree of courage from the temple more
forcible than any multitude whatsoever; and indeed
these citizens thought it was not possible for them to
dwell in the city, unless they could cut off the
robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that
unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so
bad but it would be inflicted on them. So their
conflicts were conducted by their passions; and at the
first they only cast stones at each other in the city,
and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a
distance; but when either of them were too hard for
the other, they made use of their swords; and great
slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number
were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people,
their relations carried them out to their own houses;
but when any of the zealots were wounded, he went up
into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor with
his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their
blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now in these
conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the
temple, and were too hard for their enemies; but the
populace grew very angry, and became more and more
numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and
those behind would not afford room to those that were
going off, but forced them on again, till at length
they made their whole body to turn against their
adversaries, and the robbers could no longer oppose
them, but were forced gradually to retire into the
temple; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the
same time together with them.
(7) This horribly
affrighted the robbers, because it deprived them of
the first court; so they fled into the inner court
immediately, and shut the gates. Now Ananus did not
think fit to make any attack against the holy gates,
although the other threw their stones and darts at
them from above. He also deemed it unlawful to
introduce the multitude into that court before they
were purified; he therefore chose out of them all by
lot six thousand armed men, and placed them as guards
in the cloisters; so there was a succession of such
guards one after another, and every one was forced to
attend in his course; although many of the chief of
the city were dismissed by those that then took on
them the government, upon their hiring some of the
poorer sort, and sending them to keep the guard in
their stead.
13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away
from Gischala, and was the occasion of all these being
destroyed. He was a man of great craft, and bore about
him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at
a distance was the adviser in these actions; and
indeed at this time he pretended to be of the people's
opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he
consulted the great men every day, and in the night
time also when he went round the watch; but he
divulged their secrets to the zealots, and every thing
that the people deliberated about was by his means
known to their enemies, even before it had been well
agreed upon by themselves. And by way of contrivance
how he might not be brought into suspicion, he
cultivated the greatest friendship possible with
Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet did this
overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered
them so extravagantly, that he was but the more
suspected; and his constant attendance every where,
even when he was not invited to be present, made him
strongly suspected of betraying their secrets to the
enemy; for they plainly perceived that they understood
all the resolutions taken against them at their
consultations. Nor was there any one whom they had so
much reason to suspect of that discovery as this John;
yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was
he grown by his wicked practices. He was also
supported by many of those eminent men, who were to be
consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was
therefore thought reasonable to oblige him to give
them assurance of his good-will upon oath; accordingly
John took such an oath readily, that he would be on
the people's side, and would not betray any of their
counsels or practices to their enemies, and would
assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them,
and that both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus
and his party believed his oath, and did now receive
him to their consultations without further suspicion;
nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him
as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots,
with proposals of accommodation; for they were very
desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much
as they possibly could, and that no one of their
nation should be slain therein.
14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made
to the zealots, and for confirmation of his good-will
to them, and not against them, went into the temple,
and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows:
That he had run many hazards o, their accounts, and in
order to let them know of every thing that was
secretly contrived against them by Ananus and his
party; but that both he and they should be cast into
the most imminent danger, unless some providential
assistance were afforded them; for that Ananus made no
longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to
send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come
presently and take the city; and that he had appointed
a fast for the next day against them, that they might
obtain admission into the temple on a religious
account, or gain it by force, and fight with them
there; that he did not see how long they could either
endure a siege, or how they could fight against so
many enemies. He added further, that it was by the
providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador
to them for an accommodation; for that Artanus did
therefore offer them such proposals, that he might
come upon them when they were unarmed; that they ought
to choose one of these two methods, either to
intercede with those that guarded them, to save their
lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for
themselves; that if they fostered themselves with the
hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had
forgotten what desperate things they had done, or
could suppose, that as soon as the actors repented,
those that had suffered by them must be presently
reconciled to them; while those that have done
injuries, though they pretend to repent of them, are
frequently hated by the others for that sort of
repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the
power into their hands, are usually still more severe
upon the actors; that the friends and kindred of those
that had been destroyed would always be laying plots
against them; and that a large body of people were
very angry on account of their gross breaches of their
laws, and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch that
although some part might commiserate them, those would
be quite overborne by the majority.
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